The Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam is a critical milestone, but without timely implementation, its promise threatens to ring hollow

A recent report by the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), a nonprofit working on electoral and political reforms in India, has again spotlighted the steady emergence of women as the decisive voting bloc while underlining their continuing marginal presence in the power corridors in the world’s largest parliamentary democracy.

India, with its vibrant and massive electoral machinery, recorded 662.9 million women voters in the Lok Sabha elections last year—more than half the electorate. Their participation was no longer just a symbol of democratic inclusion; women are now a powerful force capable of shaping electoral outcomes. Yet, despite these strides, the numerical strength of women at the ballot box is yet to translate into proportional representation in Parliament.

The general elections in 2024 were historic in many ways. Women’s voter turnout, at 65.78 per cent, slightly overtook that of men (65.55 per cent). In 19 states and Union territories, women outvoted their male counterparts. Lakshadweep led with the highest women’s turnout of 85.46 per cent, followed closely by Assam (81.71 per cent) and Tripura (80.57 per cent). At the constituency level, Dhubri in Assam recorded a stunning 92.17 per cent turnout among women. In stark contrast, Srinagar saw just 33.31 per cent.

The journey has been decades in the making. In 1962, only 46.6 per cent of registered women voters had exercised their franchise. That figure has climbed steadily, mirroring not only a broadening of democratic access but a shift in political consciousness. Similarly, the number of women contesting elections has gone up from just 45 candidates in 1957 to 800 in 2024. However, rising candidacy and voter engagement have not translated into equal power-sharing.

The core incongruity remains. Women make up nearly 49 per cent of India’s population yet occupy only 13.6 per cent of seats in the current Lok Sabha—a drop from 14.4 per cent in the previous Lok Sabha. Of the 800 women who contested in 2024, only 74 were elected. While their success rate of 9.3 per cent surpassed that of male candidates (6.2 per cent), the overall outcome remains vastly disproportionate.

There were notable exceptions. West Bengal topped the list with 11 women MPs, followed by Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra (seven each) and Madhya Pradesh (six). Among parties, the BJP led with 31 women MPs, followed by the Congress (13) and Trinamool Congress (11). Tripura’s Kriti Devi Debbarman (BJP) notched the highest vote-share for a woman candidate at 68.54 per cent while Bangalore North’s Shobha Karandlaje (BJP) secured the highest number of votes—986,049.

Still, anomalies persist. Kerala, a state famed for its literacy and political engagement, failed to elect even a single woman MP—a sobering indicator that progress is uneven.

India’s legal and constitutional architecture ostensibly supports gender parity. Articles 325 and 326 of the Constitution ensure voting rights without sex-based discrimination. Articles 84 and 173 allow any adult citizen to contest elections. Furthermore, the landmark 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments in 1992 mandated one-third reservation for women in panchayati raj institutions. This has yielded substantial results at the grassroots: women now make up 44 per cent of elected representatives in local bodies.

India is also a signatory to global conventions, such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, and adheres to the 1995 Beijing Declaration, committing itself to gender equality in public life. Yet these legal assurances have not sufficiently percolated into national and state politics.

Among the most contested and delayed legislative reforms in post-independence India is the Women’s Reservation Bill. First introduced in 2008 and shelved multiple times, it finally saw the light of day in September 2023 as the 128th Constitutional Amendment—rebranded as the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam. Passed unanimously by Parliament, it promises 33 per cent reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies.

But the promise remains distant. Its implementation is contingent upon two long-pending processes: the next census and a subsequent delimitation exercise. With both stalled indefinitely, the bill’s immediate impact is nullified, leading to accusations of performative politics and a lack of genuine political will to dismantle male-dominated power structures.

Beyond legislative inertia, systemic and societal obstacles continue to inhibit women’s political participation. Patriarchal norms within political parties routinely sideline women during candidate selection. Leadership roles are often limited to dynastic heiresses or token representatives. The electoral battlefield is skewed against women with limited financial means: in 2024, the success rate for women candidates with assets under Rs 1 crore was a mere 1.49 per cent.

Party support is critical. None of the 279 independent women candidates in the 2024 general elections managed to win. Financial muscle, organisational backing and visibility remain prerequisites—areas where most women lag behind due to structural inequalities. Additionally, women face targeted online abuse, political violence and character assassination, especially during campaigns.

Another worrying phenomenon is proxy representation, where elected women serve as figureheads, with actual decision-making controlled by male family members. While India has produced powerful women leaders—from Indira Gandhi to regional stalwarts like Mamata Banerjee, J. Jayalalithaa and Mayawati—their political presence has not engendered systemic inclusion. The occasional rise of individual women to high offices should not obscure the larger picture: women’s political leadership remains the exception, not the rule.

True political empowerment entails more than symbolic victories. It involves institutional reforms within parties, equitable access to resources and cultural shifts that normalise women’s presence in politics. Only then can women move from being voters to architects of policy and governance.

The 2024 elections mark a turning point. The data is unambiguous: women are not just participating in democracy but shaping its outcomes. But unless political institutions evolve to match this transformation, India’s democratic framework will remain inherently flawed.

The passing of the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam is a critical milestone. But without timely implementation and proactive candidate selection by political parties, its promise will remain hollow. Tokenism must give way to genuine empowerment.

In a democracy where women cast more than half the votes, it is time they claim equal space in legislatures. The ballot box has spoken with growing clarity. Now, the halls of power must answer.